Saeed Hajjarian free after 106 days
Saeed Hajjarian, journalist, intellectual, political reform among the most famous and influential in his country, was released today after 106 days of detention. In fact, he was arrested in the days immediately following the elections of June 12, despite his disability was due to a serious attack suffered in 2000 by the Basij militia.
His lawyer, Gholamali Riahi, without specifying further details, said the release took place Hajjarian on bail and will still appear at the next hearing of the mass being held in Tehran.
In recent days, Iranian state television had broadcast a television broadcast where Hajjarian, with two other prisoners, and Saeed Shariati Mohammad Atrianfar, made a public apology for his political mistakes. During the program Hajjarian, who speaks with great difficulty because of the outcome of the attack in 2000, he appeared very tired. Already on 25 August, during the fourth hearing of the "show trial" of Tehran, Hajjarian had signed and made to read a document of abjuration Shariati, evidently the result of coercion, in which he announced his resignation from his party (the Participation Front Islamic Iran) and admitted his responsibility in the alleged conspiracies architect with the Soros Foundation to overthrow the regime.
( the image above is one of the Raw Hajjarian free )
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Thursday, September 24, 2009
What Does The Hymen Look Like
released Shiva Nazar Ahari
Shiva Nazar Ahari, an activist for human rights and the empowerment of women in Iran, was released today after 103 days of captivity.
E 'was paid for her a deposit of 200 thousand dollars. The original asking price was 500 thousand dollars, out of the reach of the family Nazar Ahari. In response to repeated requests from parents, the authorities have lowered their demands.
The news of the imminent release had spread throughout the day and a small group of friends and activists waited for hours that the gates of Evin opens. Wait that was finally rewarded: Shiva Nazar Ahari is free again.
( the photo above is the first image of Shiva immediately after release and was taken just outside the Evin prison )
Shiva Nazar Ahari, an activist for human rights and the empowerment of women in Iran, was released today after 103 days of captivity.
E 'was paid for her a deposit of 200 thousand dollars. The original asking price was 500 thousand dollars, out of the reach of the family Nazar Ahari. In response to repeated requests from parents, the authorities have lowered their demands.
The news of the imminent release had spread throughout the day and a small group of friends and activists waited for hours that the gates of Evin opens. Wait that was finally rewarded: Shiva Nazar Ahari is free again.
( the photo above is the first image of Shiva immediately after release and was taken just outside the Evin prison )
Sunday, September 20, 2009
Fluttering Sensation In Upper Right Abdomen
"Liberate my daughter." Letter from father Shiva Nazar Ahari the head of the Iranian judiciary Sadegh Larijani
Mohamad Nazar Ahari, the father of the activist for Shiva Nazar Ahari Human Rights, held in Evin prison since three months, sent a letter to judiciary chief Sadegh Larijiani .
In the letter he points out the main elements of the criminal case regarding her daughter the way she was arrested on June 14 last year (at work, after a raid night at home, where it was found), and its activities in difesa dei diritti umani come redattrice del sito Committee of Human Rights Defenders ; la sua attività di volontariato con bambini in difficoltà e privi di di istruzione per l'associazione Khaneh Koodak Shush ; la sua laurea in ingegneria e l'impossibilità per lei di proseguire gli studi a causa del bando posto dalle autorità nei suoi confronti (e nei confronti di molti altri studenti); l'esorbitante ammontare della somma fissata come cauzione per il suo rilascio (500mila dollari, una somma talmente elevata, sottolinea il padre "da creare negli avvocati il dubbio che essa sia stata fissata con la piena consapevolezza della nostra impossibilità di pagarla, per legittimare in tal modo il prolungamento della detenzione di mia figlia").
La lettera si conclude così:
"Onorevole capo della magistratura,
l'amore e il profondo rispetto di mia figlia per il genere umano sono il suo solo crimine. La prigione è fatta per tenere in disparte coloro che mettono in pericolo la società, non mia figlia che ha dedicato la sua intera vita, in età adulta, al servizio della comunità. Poiché finora nessun funzionario responsabile o nessun altro organismo ha fornito alcuna ragione o spiegazione per la diffiicile situazione in cui mia figlia si trova, e poiché il rispetto dei diritti dei cittadini e della giustizia islamica sono tra i suoi obiettivi dichiarati in questa nuova era [Sadegh Larijani è became head of the judiciary on 15 August, ndt], I ask you humbly to review the file on to my daughter, to consider a reduction in the amount set as bail and facilitate his release. Respectfully
Mohamad Nazar Ahari.
Mohamad Nazar Ahari, the father of the activist for Shiva Nazar Ahari Human Rights, held in Evin prison since three months, sent a letter to judiciary chief Sadegh Larijiani .
In the letter he points out the main elements of the criminal case regarding her daughter the way she was arrested on June 14 last year (at work, after a raid night at home, where it was found), and its activities in difesa dei diritti umani come redattrice del sito Committee of Human Rights Defenders ; la sua attività di volontariato con bambini in difficoltà e privi di di istruzione per l'associazione Khaneh Koodak Shush ; la sua laurea in ingegneria e l'impossibilità per lei di proseguire gli studi a causa del bando posto dalle autorità nei suoi confronti (e nei confronti di molti altri studenti); l'esorbitante ammontare della somma fissata come cauzione per il suo rilascio (500mila dollari, una somma talmente elevata, sottolinea il padre "da creare negli avvocati il dubbio che essa sia stata fissata con la piena consapevolezza della nostra impossibilità di pagarla, per legittimare in tal modo il prolungamento della detenzione di mia figlia").
La lettera si conclude così:
"Onorevole capo della magistratura,
l'amore e il profondo rispetto di mia figlia per il genere umano sono il suo solo crimine. La prigione è fatta per tenere in disparte coloro che mettono in pericolo la società, non mia figlia che ha dedicato la sua intera vita, in età adulta, al servizio della comunità. Poiché finora nessun funzionario responsabile o nessun altro organismo ha fornito alcuna ragione o spiegazione per la diffiicile situazione in cui mia figlia si trova, e poiché il rispetto dei diritti dei cittadini e della giustizia islamica sono tra i suoi obiettivi dichiarati in questa nuova era [Sadegh Larijani è became head of the judiciary on 15 August, ndt], I ask you humbly to review the file on to my daughter, to consider a reduction in the amount set as bail and facilitate his release. Respectfully
Mohamad Nazar Ahari.
Saturday, September 19, 2009
Toner For Born Blonde By Clairol
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
12: Ahmad Zeydabadi
arrested June 13, 2009
Journalist, graduated from the University of Tehran in international relations, especially issues of medium- Eastern Zeydabadi writes for the site Roozonline and part being the language of the BBC, BBC Persian .
Dal gennaio 2008 è presidente (con mandato biennale) dell’associazione Advare Tahkim Vahdat , la più importante organizzazione iraniana di ex-studenti e studenti, nata nel 1979 come associazione islamica conservatrice contrapposta ai gruppi studenteschi laici e progressisti, ma negli anni Novanta evolutasi sino a diventare una delle più note associazioni riformiste e democratiche dell’Iran, molto attiva nella difesa dei diritti umani. Da allora spesso i suoi membri e i suoi leader hanno subito provvedimenti restrittivi della libertà personale.
Da molti anni le opinioni politiche riformiste di Zeydabadi e la sua opposizione al regime di Ahmadinejad e alle posizioni del leader supremo Khamenei are known in the country.
PREVIOUS
Zeydabadi has already spent long periods in Evin prison. He was arrested on August 7, 2000 a dozen plain-clothes officers presented themselves at home. The arrest was linked to articles he has written for newspapers in 1999 gradually closed by the authorities. In particular Zeydabadi then wrote to Hamshahri ( The citizen ). His wife said that the prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi had justified the measure by refusing to Zeydabadi to appear in court to answer the court. The fact is that they were locked up in solitary confinement in the arm 240 of Evin for two months, before being transferred October 12, 2000 section Qarantina third arm, usually reserved for common criminals (thieves and drug dealers), unusual for a journalist, then in the so-called section Amuzeshgah ("rehab"), and finally in Section 5. During his detention for 12 days remained on hunger strike in protest against prison conditions. The charges against him were made known only in a preliminary hearing on 21 February 2001 (six and a half months after the crash): insult and defamation of authorities, spreading lies, disturbing public opinion, attack on national security (source: Amnesty International ). And: subversive activities, blasphemy, anti-Islamic propaganda, libel against the Supreme Leader Khamenei and against his predecessor Khomeini (Source: Reporters Sans Frontières ). That was the period when the regime after some years of relative freedom, and the will of supreme leader Khamenei, had launched a heavy attack freedom of expression and information . From the newspaper Salam , closed by authorities in provoking reactions and protests in July 1999, many other media outlets were blocked or closed (even in only 18 April 2000) and many journalists arrested.
Zeydabadi Ahmad was released on February 28, 2001 upon payment of bail of 75 thousand dollars, but was arrested again and spent two weeks (the ' March 11, 2001) along with a few dozen members and supporters of the Iran Freedom Movement and immediately re-released (the March 12).
A special administrative tribunal chaired by Saeed Mortazavi sentenced him to 23 months in prison and 5 years suspension of civil rights. The Court of Appeal reduced the sentence in Tehran 13 months. Having already discounted seven in custody between 2000 and 2001, returned Zeydabadi in the Evin April 13, 2003 to serve the remaining six months.
In recent years Zeydabadi wrote on the most pressing issues concerning Iran, often intervendendo as commentator on the media and criticizing foreigners on several occasions poltitica economic and foreign government Ahmadinejad ("It is dangerous to tie the economic destiny of a country fluctuating price of oil : if the price were to suddenly get off the government would no longer be able to provide the necessary imports to the country. "). He also wrote articles in which with scathing irony has made a mockery of Iran's nuclear race and the conviction that nuclear energy is the solution to all ills of the country. On 10 April 2007 on the site Adwarnews , Zeydabadi then done something unprecedented: he turned with an open letter directly to Supreme Leader Khamenei asked him to allow an open debate on such an important issue, that of nuclear, and method of asking a question that goes far beyond the quota issue: "Do public questions to the supreme leader, question his statements and his actions, it is forbidden in Iran?" In the course of the article then goes on arguing Zeidabadi in this way: "From the religious point of view, we know that by the Prophet to his followers, including the first Imam of Shiites (Ali) and other great personalities, has never been taken strong action against violent and who did not agree with them, and even when they were very angry responding to words with words and ideas with ideas, and not sending the opponents in court because they were judged and punished. In the field of logic and reason, all combine to indicate the need to criticize the leaders of society and nations, regardless of their rank or because of their importance. Similarly in the field of standards: To my knowledge, is considered a crime by the laws of insulting the supreme leader, but do not criticize the press, statements or decisions. "
ARREST IN June 2009
date on the recent arrest of Ahmad Zeydabadi in June 2009, sources disagree: June 12 ( FIDH), June 13 ( The Guardian), June 14 (Reporters Sans Frontières ), even June 21 (Roozonline). In any case, the information provided on its behalf by wife Rooozonline are very alarming. Zeydabadi was kept in complete isolation for 35 days, the family does not know where it was in August and only his wife has had a chance to meet him for the first volta nel carcere di Evin, accompagnata dall’avvocato. Ella ha raccontato che il marito aveva iniziato come (nel 2000) uno sciopero della fame di protesta e si era diffusa la voce che fosse stato trasferito in ospedale. In realtà le guardie carcerarie lo hanno semplicemente portato da un medico che lo ha convinto a interrompere lo sciopero persuadendolo della sua inutilità perché nessuno, fuori del carcere, ne era a conoscenza. Quel medico è stato l’unico essere umano (secondini a parte) incontrato da Zeydabadi nei primi 35 giorni di detenzione. Senza luce, senza suoni, senza incontrare nessuno per 35 giorni: questa è stata la condizione vissuta da Ahmad Zeydabadi in cella di isolamento. Chiamarla cella, anzi, è inappropriato: egli ha detto alla moglie di essere stato rinchiuso in una sorta di container (lungo un metro e mezzo) che sembrava una tomba. Quando lo ha incontrato, la moglie lo ha trovato molto dimagrito (20 chili circa) e con la barba lunga, ma soprattutto prostrato nello spirito (non smetteva di piangere) e non più completamente in sé. In isolamento Zeydabadi avrebbe cominciato a mostrare attitudini suicide e, non avendo a disposizione nemmeno un oggetto con cui tentare di uccidersi, avrebbe cominciato a urlare. A quel punto in prigione si sono resi conto della sua ormai precaria salute mentale e gli hanno cambiato cella, ma tenendolo sempre in isolamento (nel braccio 2A di Evin) e lasciandolo all’oscuro su tutto ciò che avveniva the streets of Tehran and Iran: he was told that the protests had ended and that almost all prisoners were freed.
Those who want to question him in prison to force him to renounce all political activity and news. Meanwhile
Ahamad Zeydabadi appeared in two of the show trial hearings being held in Tehran: the second of ' August 8 (characterized by the presence in the courtroom of the French scholar Clotilde Reiss) and the fourth of August 25 .
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
Prigionieri politici in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Prigionieri politici in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Prigionieri politici in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi e Masoud Bastani
Prigionieri politici in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Prigionieri politici in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Prigionieri politici in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Prigionieri politici in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Prigionieri politici in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
12: Ahmad Zeydabadi
arrested June 13, 2009
Journalist, graduated from the University of Tehran in international relations, especially issues of medium- Eastern Zeydabadi writes for the site Roozonline and part being the language of the BBC, BBC Persian .
Dal gennaio 2008 è presidente (con mandato biennale) dell’associazione Advare Tahkim Vahdat , la più importante organizzazione iraniana di ex-studenti e studenti, nata nel 1979 come associazione islamica conservatrice contrapposta ai gruppi studenteschi laici e progressisti, ma negli anni Novanta evolutasi sino a diventare una delle più note associazioni riformiste e democratiche dell’Iran, molto attiva nella difesa dei diritti umani. Da allora spesso i suoi membri e i suoi leader hanno subito provvedimenti restrittivi della libertà personale.
Da molti anni le opinioni politiche riformiste di Zeydabadi e la sua opposizione al regime di Ahmadinejad e alle posizioni del leader supremo Khamenei are known in the country.
PREVIOUS
Zeydabadi has already spent long periods in Evin prison. He was arrested on August 7, 2000 a dozen plain-clothes officers presented themselves at home. The arrest was linked to articles he has written for newspapers in 1999 gradually closed by the authorities. In particular Zeydabadi then wrote to Hamshahri ( The citizen ). His wife said that the prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi had justified the measure by refusing to Zeydabadi to appear in court to answer the court. The fact is that they were locked up in solitary confinement in the arm 240 of Evin for two months, before being transferred October 12, 2000 section Qarantina third arm, usually reserved for common criminals (thieves and drug dealers), unusual for a journalist, then in the so-called section Amuzeshgah ("rehab"), and finally in Section 5. During his detention for 12 days remained on hunger strike in protest against prison conditions. The charges against him were made known only in a preliminary hearing on 21 February 2001 (six and a half months after the crash): insult and defamation of authorities, spreading lies, disturbing public opinion, attack on national security (source: Amnesty International ). And: subversive activities, blasphemy, anti-Islamic propaganda, libel against the Supreme Leader Khamenei and against his predecessor Khomeini (Source: Reporters Sans Frontières ). That was the period when the regime after some years of relative freedom, and the will of supreme leader Khamenei, had launched a heavy attack freedom of expression and information . From the newspaper Salam , closed by authorities in provoking reactions and protests in July 1999, many other media outlets were blocked or closed (even in only 18 April 2000) and many journalists arrested.
Zeydabadi Ahmad was released on February 28, 2001 upon payment of bail of 75 thousand dollars, but was arrested again and spent two weeks (the ' March 11, 2001) along with a few dozen members and supporters of the Iran Freedom Movement and immediately re-released (the March 12).
A special administrative tribunal chaired by Saeed Mortazavi sentenced him to 23 months in prison and 5 years suspension of civil rights. The Court of Appeal reduced the sentence in Tehran 13 months. Having already discounted seven in custody between 2000 and 2001, returned Zeydabadi in the Evin April 13, 2003 to serve the remaining six months.
In recent years Zeydabadi wrote on the most pressing issues concerning Iran, often intervendendo as commentator on the media and criticizing foreigners on several occasions poltitica economic and foreign government Ahmadinejad ("It is dangerous to tie the economic destiny of a country fluctuating price of oil : if the price were to suddenly get off the government would no longer be able to provide the necessary imports to the country. "). He also wrote articles in which with scathing irony has made a mockery of Iran's nuclear race and the conviction that nuclear energy is the solution to all ills of the country. On 10 April 2007 on the site Adwarnews , Zeydabadi then done something unprecedented: he turned with an open letter directly to Supreme Leader Khamenei asked him to allow an open debate on such an important issue, that of nuclear, and method of asking a question that goes far beyond the quota issue: "Do public questions to the supreme leader, question his statements and his actions, it is forbidden in Iran?" In the course of the article then goes on arguing Zeidabadi in this way: "From the religious point of view, we know that by the Prophet to his followers, including the first Imam of Shiites (Ali) and other great personalities, has never been taken strong action against violent and who did not agree with them, and even when they were very angry responding to words with words and ideas with ideas, and not sending the opponents in court because they were judged and punished. In the field of logic and reason, all combine to indicate the need to criticize the leaders of society and nations, regardless of their rank or because of their importance. Similarly in the field of standards: To my knowledge, is considered a crime by the laws of insulting the supreme leader, but do not criticize the press, statements or decisions. "
ARREST IN June 2009
date on the recent arrest of Ahmad Zeydabadi in June 2009, sources disagree: June 12 ( FIDH), June 13 ( The Guardian), June 14 (Reporters Sans Frontières ), even June 21 (Roozonline). In any case, the information provided on its behalf by wife Rooozonline are very alarming. Zeydabadi was kept in complete isolation for 35 days, the family does not know where it was in August and only his wife has had a chance to meet him for the first volta nel carcere di Evin, accompagnata dall’avvocato. Ella ha raccontato che il marito aveva iniziato come (nel 2000) uno sciopero della fame di protesta e si era diffusa la voce che fosse stato trasferito in ospedale. In realtà le guardie carcerarie lo hanno semplicemente portato da un medico che lo ha convinto a interrompere lo sciopero persuadendolo della sua inutilità perché nessuno, fuori del carcere, ne era a conoscenza. Quel medico è stato l’unico essere umano (secondini a parte) incontrato da Zeydabadi nei primi 35 giorni di detenzione. Senza luce, senza suoni, senza incontrare nessuno per 35 giorni: questa è stata la condizione vissuta da Ahmad Zeydabadi in cella di isolamento. Chiamarla cella, anzi, è inappropriato: egli ha detto alla moglie di essere stato rinchiuso in una sorta di container (lungo un metro e mezzo) che sembrava una tomba. Quando lo ha incontrato, la moglie lo ha trovato molto dimagrito (20 chili circa) e con la barba lunga, ma soprattutto prostrato nello spirito (non smetteva di piangere) e non più completamente in sé. In isolamento Zeydabadi avrebbe cominciato a mostrare attitudini suicide e, non avendo a disposizione nemmeno un oggetto con cui tentare di uccidersi, avrebbe cominciato a urlare. A quel punto in prigione si sono resi conto della sua ormai precaria salute mentale e gli hanno cambiato cella, ma tenendolo sempre in isolamento (nel braccio 2A di Evin) e lasciandolo all’oscuro su tutto ciò che avveniva the streets of Tehran and Iran: he was told that the protests had ended and that almost all prisoners were freed.
Those who want to question him in prison to force him to renounce all political activity and news. Meanwhile
Ahamad Zeydabadi appeared in two of the show trial hearings being held in Tehran: the second of ' August 8 (characterized by the presence in the courtroom of the French scholar Clotilde Reiss) and the fourth of August 25 .
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
Prigionieri politici in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Prigionieri politici in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Prigionieri politici in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi e Masoud Bastani
Prigionieri politici in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Prigionieri politici in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Prigionieri politici in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Prigionieri politici in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Prigionieri politici in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
Sunday, September 13, 2009
Tri Fold Full Length Mirror
sent the lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
paid for him a deposit of $ 500,000
L 'lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah , was released today after 68 days in jail. It 'paid him a deposit of 5 Milardi Iranian rials, equivalent to 500 thousand U.S. dollars. The level of security, according to official news was agreed last Wednesday in the two legal ribunale Dadkhah, Alizadeh Tabatabai and Abdolfattah Soltani (quest'ultimo a sua volta è stato da poco rilasciato su cauzione dopo oltre due mesi di detenzione).
Fondatore con il premio Nobel per la pace Shirin Ebadi del Defenders of Human Rights Center di Tehran , Dadkhah ha trascorso quasi un mese in isolamento nella sezione 209 del carcere di Evin, e ha subito pressioni e maltrattamenti che avevano lo scopo di indurlo a confessare presunti legami suoi e degli altri attivisti del DHRC con i paesi stranieri nemici della Repubblica Islamica dell'Iran.
paid for him a deposit of $ 500,000
L 'lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah , was released today after 68 days in jail. It 'paid him a deposit of 5 Milardi Iranian rials, equivalent to 500 thousand U.S. dollars. The level of security, according to official news was agreed last Wednesday in the two legal ribunale Dadkhah, Alizadeh Tabatabai and Abdolfattah Soltani (quest'ultimo a sua volta è stato da poco rilasciato su cauzione dopo oltre due mesi di detenzione).
Fondatore con il premio Nobel per la pace Shirin Ebadi del Defenders of Human Rights Center di Tehran , Dadkhah ha trascorso quasi un mese in isolamento nella sezione 209 del carcere di Evin, e ha subito pressioni e maltrattamenti che avevano lo scopo di indurlo a confessare presunti legami suoi e degli altri attivisti del DHRC con i paesi stranieri nemici della Repubblica Islamica dell'Iran.
Wednesday, September 9, 2009
Toshiba Cursor Wont Move
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
11) Saeed Laylaz
Arrestato il 17 giugno 2009
Economista, analista politico e giornalista, Saeed Laylaz is a professor at Shahid Beheshti University Tehran.
over twenty-five years writing about saving some of Iran's leading reformist newspapers, and is currently contributor to the newspaper Sarmayeh ( Capital ). Sarmayeh is a magazine that pays particular attention to economic issues and is accused by conservatives of being the "leader of the media who are in the hands of reformers and try to discredit the government's action, and create doubts even invent news and statistics "(words of the conservative newspaper Kayhan ).
Saeed Laylaz has been in the past consulente dell’ex presidente Mohammad Khatami , così come è anche stato tra i principali consiglieri del candidato di opposizione Mir Hossein Mousavi nel corso della recente campagna elettorale. Ha spesso e duramente criticato la politica economica di Ahmadinejad e tuttavia in un articolo pubblicato sul Guardian il 30 marzo 2009 , alla vigilia del Summit G20 che si stava per svolgere a Londra, ha espresso il suo rammarico per l’esclusione dell’Iran dal summit. In quell'articolo Laylaz sottolinea l’importanza e il peso internazionale dell’economia iraniana e al tempo stesso ricorda ai leader del mondo che “le sanzioni colpiscono l’iraniano medio più than create hindrance to the government. It is unlikely that they put a stop to religious fundamentalism and radicalism. Iranian radicals, as do their counterparts anywhere else, like to be isolated and the economic crisis helps them to recruit supporters. "
Laylaz was arrested last June 17 at his home. His wife told the site that Roozonline Monday, August 3 received a phone call from her husband. Saeed Laylaz said that does not have the right to receive visits and that is still in isolation, because the questioning, for him, have not ended.
"We are very concerned - he said his wife - and we understand what kind of confessioni stanno cercando di estorcergli da 50 giorni”. La signora Laylaz ha aggiunto di aver chiesto al marito se anche lui sta per essere processato e se stanno cercando di fargli confessare qualcosa, come accaduto ad Abtahi e a Atrianfar ( nella foto ); ma lui ha risposto stupito: “Quale processo? Qualcuno ha confessato?” Una ulteriore conferma dello stato di assoluto isolamento in cui Saeed Laylaz si trova da, ormai, più di 50 giorni.
Aggiornamento del 26 agosto
Il giorno del processo è arrivato anche per Saeed Laylaz. Per la prima volta dal giorno del suo arresto, egli è apparso in pubblico in occasione della quarta udienza del "processo farsa" ( foto sopra ), svoltasi il 25 agosto e caratterizzata dalla "confessione" pubblica del politico riformista Saeed Hajjarian .
Sulla presenza in aula di Laylaz le agenzie non hanno fornito notizie rilevanti e, al momento in cui scriviamo, non sappiamo altro se non che lui era presente in aula. Questo, nel codice silenzioso dei media iraniani, ufficiali e semiufficiali, potrebbe significare che da lui le autorità non hanno ancora ottenuto alcuna ammissione di colpa o pubblica richiesta di perdono. Infatti i video del processo che la tv di stato trasmette sono rigorosamente confenzionati con lo scopo di corrispondere al copione della grande "confessione di massa". Chi non rispetta quel cliché viene accuratamente nascosto o evitato dalla regia televisiva dello "show trial".
Sul Los Angeles Times l'inviato Borzou Daragahi osserva che la smorfia sorridente (e irridente) con cui Laylaz è stato ripreso dal fotografo dell'agenzia Fars News lascia sperare che il suo spirito non sia ancora del tutto piegato dalla lunga prigionia.
Daragahi ricorda anche, per l'occasione, alcune profetiche parole dette da Laylaz proprio al LAT alla vigilia delle elezioni: "Sono preoccupato per i prossimi 10-12 giorni: il governo è sempre più irritato e incattivito".
Una settimana più tardi Laylaz sarebbe stato arrestato.
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners 5 in Iran: Saeed Hajjarian
Prisoners politicians in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
11) Saeed Laylaz
Arrestato il 17 giugno 2009
Economista, analista politico e giornalista, Saeed Laylaz is a professor at Shahid Beheshti University Tehran.
over twenty-five years writing about saving some of Iran's leading reformist newspapers, and is currently contributor to the newspaper Sarmayeh ( Capital ). Sarmayeh is a magazine that pays particular attention to economic issues and is accused by conservatives of being the "leader of the media who are in the hands of reformers and try to discredit the government's action, and create doubts even invent news and statistics "(words of the conservative newspaper Kayhan ).
Saeed Laylaz has been in the past consulente dell’ex presidente Mohammad Khatami , così come è anche stato tra i principali consiglieri del candidato di opposizione Mir Hossein Mousavi nel corso della recente campagna elettorale. Ha spesso e duramente criticato la politica economica di Ahmadinejad e tuttavia in un articolo pubblicato sul Guardian il 30 marzo 2009 , alla vigilia del Summit G20 che si stava per svolgere a Londra, ha espresso il suo rammarico per l’esclusione dell’Iran dal summit. In quell'articolo Laylaz sottolinea l’importanza e il peso internazionale dell’economia iraniana e al tempo stesso ricorda ai leader del mondo che “le sanzioni colpiscono l’iraniano medio più than create hindrance to the government. It is unlikely that they put a stop to religious fundamentalism and radicalism. Iranian radicals, as do their counterparts anywhere else, like to be isolated and the economic crisis helps them to recruit supporters. "
Laylaz was arrested last June 17 at his home. His wife told the site that Roozonline Monday, August 3 received a phone call from her husband. Saeed Laylaz said that does not have the right to receive visits and that is still in isolation, because the questioning, for him, have not ended.
"We are very concerned - he said his wife - and we understand what kind of confessioni stanno cercando di estorcergli da 50 giorni”. La signora Laylaz ha aggiunto di aver chiesto al marito se anche lui sta per essere processato e se stanno cercando di fargli confessare qualcosa, come accaduto ad Abtahi e a Atrianfar ( nella foto ); ma lui ha risposto stupito: “Quale processo? Qualcuno ha confessato?” Una ulteriore conferma dello stato di assoluto isolamento in cui Saeed Laylaz si trova da, ormai, più di 50 giorni.
Aggiornamento del 26 agosto
Il giorno del processo è arrivato anche per Saeed Laylaz. Per la prima volta dal giorno del suo arresto, egli è apparso in pubblico in occasione della quarta udienza del "processo farsa" ( foto sopra ), svoltasi il 25 agosto e caratterizzata dalla "confessione" pubblica del politico riformista Saeed Hajjarian .
Sulla presenza in aula di Laylaz le agenzie non hanno fornito notizie rilevanti e, al momento in cui scriviamo, non sappiamo altro se non che lui era presente in aula. Questo, nel codice silenzioso dei media iraniani, ufficiali e semiufficiali, potrebbe significare che da lui le autorità non hanno ancora ottenuto alcuna ammissione di colpa o pubblica richiesta di perdono. Infatti i video del processo che la tv di stato trasmette sono rigorosamente confenzionati con lo scopo di corrispondere al copione della grande "confessione di massa". Chi non rispetta quel cliché viene accuratamente nascosto o evitato dalla regia televisiva dello "show trial".
Sul Los Angeles Times l'inviato Borzou Daragahi osserva che la smorfia sorridente (e irridente) con cui Laylaz è stato ripreso dal fotografo dell'agenzia Fars News lascia sperare che il suo spirito non sia ancora del tutto piegato dalla lunga prigionia.
Daragahi ricorda anche, per l'occasione, alcune profetiche parole dette da Laylaz proprio al LAT alla vigilia delle elezioni: "Sono preoccupato per i prossimi 10-12 giorni: il governo è sempre più irritato e incattivito".
Una settimana più tardi Laylaz sarebbe stato arrestato.
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners 5 in Iran: Saeed Hajjarian
Prisoners politicians in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
Does Mylanta Cause Black Stools
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
10) Isa Saharkhiz
arrested July 4, 2009
journalist and politician, Isa Saharkhiz is a very prominent member of the reformist wing of the Iranian civil society. He was born in Abadan in 1954, grew up in Karaj, studied and graduated in Economics from the University Tehran. It has been at the forefront in supporting, with his writings, the Revolution in 1979 that overthrew the Shah Reza Pahlavi . He had a brother who died on the front in the war against Iraq.
moved to New York, he was responsible to the United Nations of the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA, the Iranian state news agency). He is one of the founders of the defense of press freedom in Iran. During the presidency of Mohammad Khatami was head of the Press Department of the Ministry of Culture. His work has won a lot of success and then the period of his appointment to the ministry was dubbed Iran "the spring of journalism."
Under this regime, but his political star began to wane. Saharkhiz has complained that the dramatic situation of human rights violations against freedom of information, the inhuman conditions of Iranian prisons. He did not spare harsh criticism (and public) to the new authoritarian turn impressed by the country's supreme leader Ali Khamenei .
In 2006, speaking to a group of students gathered to participate in the hunger strike declared by the international dissident Akbar Ganji in defense of political prisoners, Saharkhiz said: "What che sta accadendo, ciò di cui siamo testimoni, non è altro che il risultato della concentrazione di tutto il potere nelle mani di un solo uomo (Khamenei) e del suo controllo sulle bande armate che si occupano della sicurezza”. Ai due periodici Aftab ( Il Sole ) e Akbar Eghtesadi ( Notizie economiche ), di cui era direttore e editore, fu revocato il permesso di pubblicazione. Saharkhiz stesso venne condannato a quattro anni di prigione e a cinque di sospensione dalla professione giornalistica. Questo non ha frenato la sua penna e la sua passione politica.
Isa Saharkhiz ha condotto la campagna elettorale per le elezioni del 12 giugno sostenendo attivamente the candidacy of Karroubi . As soon as they were clearly the result of the ballot and the fraudulent nature of the victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad , site Roozonline (which regularly hosts his contributions), Isa Saharkhiz thundered: "Like it or not, after twenty years of absolute power, Ali Khamenei is the same descent set out to the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Resa Pahlavi. The supreme leader has chosen the path of tyranny, that the peoples of Iran and the world have already several times thrown into the dustbin of history. "
On 20 June, the militia did not find at home, where entry is threatening to break through the door on the other hand has picked up various objects belonging to it, including a computer and propaganda material for the campaign Karroubi. In the days following Saharkhiz tried to hide but because by the time it was forbidden to leave Iran, he had to do it within the country. In early July Roozonline published an article titled his new Welcome to the "Green Front of Hope" , which urges Saharkhiz Mir Hossein Mousavi and his to "form and advertise a 'shadow government' to be taken ready to administer the country the day after the fall of Ahmadinejad. "
Two days later Isa Saharkhiz was tracked down and arrested in northern Iran. Since then he has held at an undisclosed location, with no opportunity to speak with his lawyer and without being aware what the charges are contested. The only contact with the world Saharkhiz had it on July 23, when he could call his son on the phone Mehdi (27 years, pictured with his father) who lives in New Jersey. Saharkhiz He said that during his arrest he has been broken several ribs, which is held in solitary confinement, which was tracked down by the militia, thanks to Nokia systems. "Do not expect to see me again soon - he added -, I'll stay here long."
Pochi giorni dopo l’arresto del padre, Mehdi Saharkhiz ha scritto una lettera aperta ad Ahamdinejad intitolata Se conoscesse mio padre e pubblicata su Roozonline . Dagli Stati Uniti Mehdi è in questi mesi tra i principali attivisti della protesta iraniana, anche grazie a una intensissima attività di blogger condotta sia su twitter e youtube (con il nickname Onlymehdi) che su facebook . Un gruppo in sostegno di Isa Saharkhiz (amministrato in questi giorni da Mehdi) è presente su facebook .
Aggiornamento del 16 agosto 2009
Apprendiamo dal figlio Mehdi che ieri, 15 agosto, Isa Saharkhiz ha incontrato per la prima volta dal giorno del suo arresto il suo avvocato. Si trova in isolamento e gli viene perciò impedito di leggere i giornali e di avere qualsiasi contatto con il mondo esterno. Sin dal prinicipio della detenzione è stata richiesta la visita di un medico, che però a tutt'oggi non c'è stata. L'incontro con l'avvocato è durato 20 minuti ed è avvenuto alla presenza di un agente del ministero della sicurezza.
Aggiornamento del 19 agosto 2009
Isa Saharkhiz ha ricevuto la visita in prigione di sua moglie e di sua figlia. Si trova sempre in isolamento. L'impressione che le due donne hanno avuto incontrandolo è che has lost at least 15 pounds. In fact difficult to eat because of stomach problems, and sleeps little and not get to the chest pain from broken ribs. He has hair and beard much longer than usual. Despite pressure psicolgiche suffered in prison, describes Saharkhiz strong in spirit and will. He held that it does not intend to respond to any interrogation without the presence of his lawyer and three members of the committee Shahroudi (the parliamentary committee of inquiry on the situation of prisoners in Iranian prisons). He also announced that, once out of prison, he intends to sue those who beat him and arrested him for no reason o prova.
Aggiornamento del 3 settembre 2009
In una laconica telefonata fatta alla famiglia, Isa Saharkhiz, giunto ormai al suo sessantesimo giorno in carcere, ha detto che è stato portato in tribunale, dove gli è stato comunicato che resterà in prigione per altri due mesi. Ne dà notizia il sito Roozonline .
Prigionieri politici in Iran 13: Mohammad Maleki
Prigionieri politici in Iran 12: Ahmad Zeydabadi
Prigionieri politici in Iran 11: Saeed Laylaz
Prigionieri politici in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
10) Isa Saharkhiz
arrested July 4, 2009
journalist and politician, Isa Saharkhiz is a very prominent member of the reformist wing of the Iranian civil society. He was born in Abadan in 1954, grew up in Karaj, studied and graduated in Economics from the University Tehran. It has been at the forefront in supporting, with his writings, the Revolution in 1979 that overthrew the Shah Reza Pahlavi . He had a brother who died on the front in the war against Iraq.
moved to New York, he was responsible to the United Nations of the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA, the Iranian state news agency). He is one of the founders of the defense of press freedom in Iran. During the presidency of Mohammad Khatami was head of the Press Department of the Ministry of Culture. His work has won a lot of success and then the period of his appointment to the ministry was dubbed Iran "the spring of journalism."
Under this regime, but his political star began to wane. Saharkhiz has complained that the dramatic situation of human rights violations against freedom of information, the inhuman conditions of Iranian prisons. He did not spare harsh criticism (and public) to the new authoritarian turn impressed by the country's supreme leader Ali Khamenei .
In 2006, speaking to a group of students gathered to participate in the hunger strike declared by the international dissident Akbar Ganji in defense of political prisoners, Saharkhiz said: "What che sta accadendo, ciò di cui siamo testimoni, non è altro che il risultato della concentrazione di tutto il potere nelle mani di un solo uomo (Khamenei) e del suo controllo sulle bande armate che si occupano della sicurezza”. Ai due periodici Aftab ( Il Sole ) e Akbar Eghtesadi ( Notizie economiche ), di cui era direttore e editore, fu revocato il permesso di pubblicazione. Saharkhiz stesso venne condannato a quattro anni di prigione e a cinque di sospensione dalla professione giornalistica. Questo non ha frenato la sua penna e la sua passione politica.
Isa Saharkhiz ha condotto la campagna elettorale per le elezioni del 12 giugno sostenendo attivamente the candidacy of Karroubi . As soon as they were clearly the result of the ballot and the fraudulent nature of the victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad , site Roozonline (which regularly hosts his contributions), Isa Saharkhiz thundered: "Like it or not, after twenty years of absolute power, Ali Khamenei is the same descent set out to the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Resa Pahlavi. The supreme leader has chosen the path of tyranny, that the peoples of Iran and the world have already several times thrown into the dustbin of history. "
On 20 June, the militia did not find at home, where entry is threatening to break through the door on the other hand has picked up various objects belonging to it, including a computer and propaganda material for the campaign Karroubi. In the days following Saharkhiz tried to hide but because by the time it was forbidden to leave Iran, he had to do it within the country. In early July Roozonline published an article titled his new Welcome to the "Green Front of Hope" , which urges Saharkhiz Mir Hossein Mousavi and his to "form and advertise a 'shadow government' to be taken ready to administer the country the day after the fall of Ahmadinejad. "
Two days later Isa Saharkhiz was tracked down and arrested in northern Iran. Since then he has held at an undisclosed location, with no opportunity to speak with his lawyer and without being aware what the charges are contested. The only contact with the world Saharkhiz had it on July 23, when he could call his son on the phone Mehdi (27 years, pictured with his father) who lives in New Jersey. Saharkhiz He said that during his arrest he has been broken several ribs, which is held in solitary confinement, which was tracked down by the militia, thanks to Nokia systems. "Do not expect to see me again soon - he added -, I'll stay here long."
Pochi giorni dopo l’arresto del padre, Mehdi Saharkhiz ha scritto una lettera aperta ad Ahamdinejad intitolata Se conoscesse mio padre e pubblicata su Roozonline . Dagli Stati Uniti Mehdi è in questi mesi tra i principali attivisti della protesta iraniana, anche grazie a una intensissima attività di blogger condotta sia su twitter e youtube (con il nickname Onlymehdi) che su facebook . Un gruppo in sostegno di Isa Saharkhiz (amministrato in questi giorni da Mehdi) è presente su facebook .
Aggiornamento del 16 agosto 2009
Apprendiamo dal figlio Mehdi che ieri, 15 agosto, Isa Saharkhiz ha incontrato per la prima volta dal giorno del suo arresto il suo avvocato. Si trova in isolamento e gli viene perciò impedito di leggere i giornali e di avere qualsiasi contatto con il mondo esterno. Sin dal prinicipio della detenzione è stata richiesta la visita di un medico, che però a tutt'oggi non c'è stata. L'incontro con l'avvocato è durato 20 minuti ed è avvenuto alla presenza di un agente del ministero della sicurezza.
Aggiornamento del 19 agosto 2009
Isa Saharkhiz ha ricevuto la visita in prigione di sua moglie e di sua figlia. Si trova sempre in isolamento. L'impressione che le due donne hanno avuto incontrandolo è che has lost at least 15 pounds. In fact difficult to eat because of stomach problems, and sleeps little and not get to the chest pain from broken ribs. He has hair and beard much longer than usual. Despite pressure psicolgiche suffered in prison, describes Saharkhiz strong in spirit and will. He held that it does not intend to respond to any interrogation without the presence of his lawyer and three members of the committee Shahroudi (the parliamentary committee of inquiry on the situation of prisoners in Iranian prisons). He also announced that, once out of prison, he intends to sue those who beat him and arrested him for no reason o prova.
Aggiornamento del 3 settembre 2009
In una laconica telefonata fatta alla famiglia, Isa Saharkhiz, giunto ormai al suo sessantesimo giorno in carcere, ha detto che è stato portato in tribunale, dove gli è stato comunicato che resterà in prigione per altri due mesi. Ne dà notizia il sito Roozonline .
Prigionieri politici in Iran 13: Mohammad Maleki
Prigionieri politici in Iran 12: Ahmad Zeydabadi
Prigionieri politici in Iran 11: Saeed Laylaz
Prigionieri politici in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
Monday, September 7, 2009
What Does A Clot Tooth Look
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
9) Kian Tajbakhsh
arrested July 9, 2009
His was the first case of American citizen detained in Iran after the elections on June 12. Tajbakhsh was in fact a double passport (Iranian and American).
and scholar of sociology and urban planning. He performed his studies in London (Imperial College and University College) and completed his Ph.D. at Columbia University (New York). It has long been a member of Social Science Research Council (SSRC) , the largest American organization of scholars in social sciences, in which dealt especially programs relating to the Middle East and North Africa.
has taught in American universities and Iranians. In particular it has been seven years a professor of government and urban policy at New School in New York , where it still has the post of senior fellow resarch. He has published two books well known in his field: The Promise of the City: Space, Identity and Politics in Contemporary Social Thought (University of California Press, 2001) and Social Capital: Trust, Democracy and Development (in done).
is an internationally recognized expert in social policy, urban planning, public health, local government. He was adviser to the Iranian Ministry of Interior, as well as international bodies like the World Bank el ' Open Society Institute (founded by George Soros). It also dealt with the reconstruction projects that followed the devastating 2003 earthquake in Bam.
in 2007 had already been arrested on charges of fomenting the protests against the Islamic regime and had been in Evin prison for more than four months. After that experience he had chosen to remain in Iran, where her family lives. In 2007 his first daughter was born and since then Tajbakhsh was deliberately kept away from politics, devoting himself to his studies and write books, though its scientific activities have continued to be kept under strict surveillance by the authorities.
He was arrested at 9 pm on July 9. Two men who identified themselves as Iranian intelligence agents showed up at his house and began to interrogate him and his wife. After three hours, they have taken and taken to unknown place without providing any legal justification for the measure. They also took away two computers and other personal items of Tajbakhsh. It was later learned that he would be accused of having collaborated with Hossein Raman, British Embassy employee, in turn, arrested, at which the system assigns a key role in organizing the post-election protests.
His colleagues in the New School have tried to deliver a petition calling for his release (with 800 signatures) to the delegates of the Iranian mission to the UN, which, however, refused to receive it. It also led to a site, FreeKian2009 gathering signatures for another petition and tell the story of Kian Tajbakhsh. Other appeals have so far gone unheeded. A picture of Kian Tajbakhsh (with a heartfelt exhortation to his release), was released July 31 on the Guardian .
Update 1 August 2009
have proved real and the fears that family and friends of Kian Tajbakhsh had expressed to the correspondent of ' Associated Press last July 17: that Tajbakhsh was detained and was under pressure to extract confessions to be used during a show trial to feed the public television of Iran. Kian Tajbakhsh is in fact today appeared in public ( pictured above), for the first time since his arrest, during the press conference following the first hearing of the "show trial" (Tajbakhsh's photos were published online by 'semi-official agency Farsnews ). The process is organized by Tehran's Revolutionary Court against the first group of those who were arrested after the elections on June 12. The indictment, the defendants, is to have organized the protest after the elections with the help and support of Western countries hostile to the Islamic Republic of Iran: essentially that he had conspired against the country. These are crimes for which in Iran may be imposed the death penalty. It is clear that life, the curriculum and the dual international passport Kian Tajbakhsh make it the ideal candidate that impute the role of "spy in the service of foreign powers." A statement
spread from family and friends Tajbakhsh vehemently rejected these accusations, reiterating that he has always maintained a position of political neutrality by engaging with his work as a scholar, in an effort to overcome cultural barriers. In the press release is also reiterated that Tajbakhsh, during these weeks, was detained in an unknown place, without the chance to meet either his lawyer or family.
Update August 2, 2009
agency Associated Press (taken from the New York Times ) cites the testimony of Pamela Kilpadi, a researcher who was working on a book with Kian Tajbakhsh. "I know for sure - said Kilpadi - that Kian has not played any role in the post-election incidents that occurred in Iran. He even said he would not go to vote in elections. As an independent scholar Kian has always pursued its political neutrality. "
The Kilpadi, referring to" confessions "and" admission of guilt "by Tajbakhsh and other defendants during the trial, added:" They are statements extracted by force and the threat to someone who is held in a secret place, without the ability to have contact with lawyers, family, friends, in violation of human rights treaties to which Iran is expected to petitioner. "
Update August 27, 2009
If
hoped to devote himself to his books, studies and family, Kian Tajbakhsh'll be living these months of detention hearings and the "show trial" underway in Tehran as the worst of nightmares. The theorem has awarded it accusing him a central role in the design of what the authorities in Tehran call the "velvet revolution". It was planned by the Western powers (the United States and Britain in particular) to subvert the established order of the Islamic Republic. The fourth hearing of the "show trial", held August 25 ( left photo), has absolute clarity on what the regime wants to put the reconstruction of the events of recent months. And, in this reconstruction, Tajbakhsh is the figure of the piece without which the castle would fall, he who would act as link between hostile foreign forces and the opposition forces inside Iran.
the hearing of 25, on the one hand, the reformist politician and journalist Saeed Hajjarian (arrested despite being left disabled after an attack suffered in 2000) was forced to sottscrivere a statement indicating its Tajbakhsh as the point of reference of the Soros Foundation in Iran, accused of plotting against the regime. Secondly the same Tajbakhsh (which, remember, it was not even allowed to consult and appoint a lawyer of his choice) was forced a leggere in aula la sua "confessione" (ne dà notizia il sito filogovernativo PressTv ) in cui chiama in causa l'ex presidente Mohammad Khatami e l'ex rappresentante dell'Iran alle Nazioni Unite Mohammad-Javad Zarif . Nel 2006 essi avrebbero incontrato di persona George Soros. Del resto sin dal 1997, cioè da quando era diventato presidente, Khatami sarebbe stato in contatto con la Fondazione Soros (e complice del suo piano sovversivo) e avrebbe incontrato più volte Tajbakhsh fino a tutto il 2005.
Inutile segnalare un'anomalia in questa ricostruzione: perché il presidente Khatami, già dal 1997, avrebbe dovuto tramare contro il regime di cui lui stesso, in quanto presidente, was one of the leaders?
"With the support of some officials of the reformist front - added Tajbakhsh in his" confession "- political parties and nongovernmental organizations of American origin found a way to begin their activities in Iran."
In other words, according to the accusation made by the theorem of the system and loaded on the shoulders of Kian Tajbakhsh, the U.S. government and the CIA were hiding behind neutral scientific activities (seminars, conferences and research) funded by prestigious international academic institutions (the Woodrow Wilson International Center and Carnegie Foundation, among others) their plans to destabilize la Repubblica Islamica. Il vero e segreto scopo di queste attività di ricerca sarebbe stato "perturbare l'ordine pubblico e seminare il caos e la paura nella società" (sono sempre parole della "confessione" estorta a Tajbakhsh) con l'obiettivo ultimo di rovesciare il sistema.
E', se non altro, un'ennesima prova di quale considerazione abbiano le autorità della Repubblica Islamica per i liberi studi, per la libera ricerca, per la cultura in genere: servono se sono organici al regime. Le parole recentemente rivolte a studiosi e poeti iraniani dal leader supremo Khamenei non lasciano dubbi: "Artisti e intellettuali sono parte del grande movimento della Rivoluzione e sono obbligati ad esprimere la loro comprensione della Truth "(source agency ILNA ).
Update August 30, 2009
Immediately after the hearing on August 25, the family Kian Tabakhsh has again strongly reaffirmed the absolute strangeness of their loved one to the accusations that are moved: "Kian is not a member of any Iranian reformist movement and had no involvement in any event or pre-or post-election protest."
The August 27 spokesman for the Department of Ian Kelly was again asked for his release (as did the Aug. 15 by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton): "We believe that accusations that they are driven not basis. And, of course, we have repeatedly called for his release. "
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
Political prisoners in Iran 11 : Saeed Laylaz
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
9) Kian Tajbakhsh
arrested July 9, 2009
His was the first case of American citizen detained in Iran after the elections on June 12. Tajbakhsh was in fact a double passport (Iranian and American).
and scholar of sociology and urban planning. He performed his studies in London (Imperial College and University College) and completed his Ph.D. at Columbia University (New York). It has long been a member of Social Science Research Council (SSRC) , the largest American organization of scholars in social sciences, in which dealt especially programs relating to the Middle East and North Africa.
has taught in American universities and Iranians. In particular it has been seven years a professor of government and urban policy at New School in New York , where it still has the post of senior fellow resarch. He has published two books well known in his field: The Promise of the City: Space, Identity and Politics in Contemporary Social Thought (University of California Press, 2001) and Social Capital: Trust, Democracy and Development (in done).
is an internationally recognized expert in social policy, urban planning, public health, local government. He was adviser to the Iranian Ministry of Interior, as well as international bodies like the World Bank el ' Open Society Institute (founded by George Soros). It also dealt with the reconstruction projects that followed the devastating 2003 earthquake in Bam.
in 2007 had already been arrested on charges of fomenting the protests against the Islamic regime and had been in Evin prison for more than four months. After that experience he had chosen to remain in Iran, where her family lives. In 2007 his first daughter was born and since then Tajbakhsh was deliberately kept away from politics, devoting himself to his studies and write books, though its scientific activities have continued to be kept under strict surveillance by the authorities.
He was arrested at 9 pm on July 9. Two men who identified themselves as Iranian intelligence agents showed up at his house and began to interrogate him and his wife. After three hours, they have taken and taken to unknown place without providing any legal justification for the measure. They also took away two computers and other personal items of Tajbakhsh. It was later learned that he would be accused of having collaborated with Hossein Raman, British Embassy employee, in turn, arrested, at which the system assigns a key role in organizing the post-election protests.
His colleagues in the New School have tried to deliver a petition calling for his release (with 800 signatures) to the delegates of the Iranian mission to the UN, which, however, refused to receive it. It also led to a site, FreeKian2009 gathering signatures for another petition and tell the story of Kian Tajbakhsh. Other appeals have so far gone unheeded. A picture of Kian Tajbakhsh (with a heartfelt exhortation to his release), was released July 31 on the Guardian .
Update 1 August 2009
have proved real and the fears that family and friends of Kian Tajbakhsh had expressed to the correspondent of ' Associated Press last July 17: that Tajbakhsh was detained and was under pressure to extract confessions to be used during a show trial to feed the public television of Iran. Kian Tajbakhsh is in fact today appeared in public ( pictured above), for the first time since his arrest, during the press conference following the first hearing of the "show trial" (Tajbakhsh's photos were published online by 'semi-official agency Farsnews ). The process is organized by Tehran's Revolutionary Court against the first group of those who were arrested after the elections on June 12. The indictment, the defendants, is to have organized the protest after the elections with the help and support of Western countries hostile to the Islamic Republic of Iran: essentially that he had conspired against the country. These are crimes for which in Iran may be imposed the death penalty. It is clear that life, the curriculum and the dual international passport Kian Tajbakhsh make it the ideal candidate that impute the role of "spy in the service of foreign powers." A statement
spread from family and friends Tajbakhsh vehemently rejected these accusations, reiterating that he has always maintained a position of political neutrality by engaging with his work as a scholar, in an effort to overcome cultural barriers. In the press release is also reiterated that Tajbakhsh, during these weeks, was detained in an unknown place, without the chance to meet either his lawyer or family.
Update August 2, 2009
agency Associated Press (taken from the New York Times ) cites the testimony of Pamela Kilpadi, a researcher who was working on a book with Kian Tajbakhsh. "I know for sure - said Kilpadi - that Kian has not played any role in the post-election incidents that occurred in Iran. He even said he would not go to vote in elections. As an independent scholar Kian has always pursued its political neutrality. "
The Kilpadi, referring to" confessions "and" admission of guilt "by Tajbakhsh and other defendants during the trial, added:" They are statements extracted by force and the threat to someone who is held in a secret place, without the ability to have contact with lawyers, family, friends, in violation of human rights treaties to which Iran is expected to petitioner. "
Update August 27, 2009
If
hoped to devote himself to his books, studies and family, Kian Tajbakhsh'll be living these months of detention hearings and the "show trial" underway in Tehran as the worst of nightmares. The theorem has awarded it accusing him a central role in the design of what the authorities in Tehran call the "velvet revolution". It was planned by the Western powers (the United States and Britain in particular) to subvert the established order of the Islamic Republic. The fourth hearing of the "show trial", held August 25 ( left photo), has absolute clarity on what the regime wants to put the reconstruction of the events of recent months. And, in this reconstruction, Tajbakhsh is the figure of the piece without which the castle would fall, he who would act as link between hostile foreign forces and the opposition forces inside Iran.
the hearing of 25, on the one hand, the reformist politician and journalist Saeed Hajjarian (arrested despite being left disabled after an attack suffered in 2000) was forced to sottscrivere a statement indicating its Tajbakhsh as the point of reference of the Soros Foundation in Iran, accused of plotting against the regime. Secondly the same Tajbakhsh (which, remember, it was not even allowed to consult and appoint a lawyer of his choice) was forced a leggere in aula la sua "confessione" (ne dà notizia il sito filogovernativo PressTv ) in cui chiama in causa l'ex presidente Mohammad Khatami e l'ex rappresentante dell'Iran alle Nazioni Unite Mohammad-Javad Zarif . Nel 2006 essi avrebbero incontrato di persona George Soros. Del resto sin dal 1997, cioè da quando era diventato presidente, Khatami sarebbe stato in contatto con la Fondazione Soros (e complice del suo piano sovversivo) e avrebbe incontrato più volte Tajbakhsh fino a tutto il 2005.
Inutile segnalare un'anomalia in questa ricostruzione: perché il presidente Khatami, già dal 1997, avrebbe dovuto tramare contro il regime di cui lui stesso, in quanto presidente, was one of the leaders?
"With the support of some officials of the reformist front - added Tajbakhsh in his" confession "- political parties and nongovernmental organizations of American origin found a way to begin their activities in Iran."
In other words, according to the accusation made by the theorem of the system and loaded on the shoulders of Kian Tajbakhsh, the U.S. government and the CIA were hiding behind neutral scientific activities (seminars, conferences and research) funded by prestigious international academic institutions (the Woodrow Wilson International Center and Carnegie Foundation, among others) their plans to destabilize la Repubblica Islamica. Il vero e segreto scopo di queste attività di ricerca sarebbe stato "perturbare l'ordine pubblico e seminare il caos e la paura nella società" (sono sempre parole della "confessione" estorta a Tajbakhsh) con l'obiettivo ultimo di rovesciare il sistema.
E', se non altro, un'ennesima prova di quale considerazione abbiano le autorità della Repubblica Islamica per i liberi studi, per la libera ricerca, per la cultura in genere: servono se sono organici al regime. Le parole recentemente rivolte a studiosi e poeti iraniani dal leader supremo Khamenei non lasciano dubbi: "Artisti e intellettuali sono parte del grande movimento della Rivoluzione e sono obbligati ad esprimere la loro comprensione della Truth "(source agency ILNA ).
Update August 30, 2009
Immediately after the hearing on August 25, the family Kian Tabakhsh has again strongly reaffirmed the absolute strangeness of their loved one to the accusations that are moved: "Kian is not a member of any Iranian reformist movement and had no involvement in any event or pre-or post-election protest."
The August 27 spokesman for the Department of Ian Kelly was again asked for his release (as did the Aug. 15 by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton): "We believe that accusations that they are driven not basis. And, of course, we have repeatedly called for his release. "
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
Political prisoners in Iran 11 : Saeed Laylaz
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
Red Dress With Long Sleeves
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
8) Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
husband and wife, both
journalists arrested her and issued June 14, 2009 August 24, 2009
he was arrested on 4 or 5 July 2009
Mahsa Amrabadi works for the ' Etemad-Melli and , the media of National Trust Party. The President of the NTP is Mehdi Karoubi, a reformist candidates in the elections of June 12. The wording of ' Etemad-Melli and has been particularly affected by the arrests of recent weeks: among others ended up in jail the editor of the newspaper, Mohammad Ghouchani . Mahsa
Amrabadi is six months pregnant , despite this she was arrested last June 14. It seems that the intelligence agents who have come forward to his house looking at the reality husband Masoud Bastani and, finding none, have taken her. The first contact with the family could have only two weeks later, on June 30, when she was allowed to call their loved ones. But it was not allowed to tell them of where he was.
On July 4, Masoud Bastani tried to request information on behalf of his wife wanted to visit it or at least know where he was held. Rather, it was also arrested. Mahsa
Amrabadi was initially imprisoned in the notorious arms 209 of Evin prison (unofficial section run by the Iranian secret services who use it to political prisoners, often held incommunicado and tortured), then was transferred to the prison wing of the public.
Masoud Bastani, after several weeks of silence, he could contact his mother to whom he reported to be in isolation, but to be in good condition.
On 25 July, for the first time since the day of the arrest of Mahsa, was allowed the couple to meet.
Mahsa's mother said he will submit a complaint for violation of civil rights of his daughter and son. He spoke with the Prosecutor General of Tehran, Saeed Mortazavi , who told her that the investigation could take six months. Interrogations are still in progress, and before their end of course nothing will be said by the authorities to family members.
Bastani, formerly editor of the weekly Neday'e Eslahat ( The Voice of Reform) and the site Rozoonline.com the summer of 2007 had already been arrested and released in 2006 was sentenced six months in jail and sixty lashes, in 2005 he was arrested for writing about the hunger strike of dissident journalist Akbar Ganij . Recently it has been political editor of the site www.jomhouriyat.com , now suppressed by the authorities, and controlled by Mehdi Hashemi-Rafsanjani, son of former President Rafsanjani.
was a group on facebook called Free Masoud Bastani & Mahsa Amrabadi .
Update August 24
Mahsa Amrabadi was released today, on payment of deposit ($ 200,000). It gives the news site Mowjcamp.org .
remains in prison, the husband of Amrabadi, Masoud Bastani, which is known to be held in the special arm (the 209) of Evin prison.
Update August 26
For Masoud Bastani is the time of public trial, with annessa "confessione" televisiva ( foto a sinistra ): l'ennesimo scempio di verità e di giustizia di cui le autorità della Repubblica Islamica si sono macchiate. Bastani è stato uno dei principali interpreti della quarta puntata del "processo-farsa", andata in scena a Tehran il 25 agosto. La sua performance si aggiunge alle varie altre di prigionieri costretti con pressioni, minacce e torture a contribuire al teorema confezionato dal grande architetto del processo, il procuratore generale di Tehran Saeed Mortazavi: le proteste contro i risultati elettorali del 12 giugno - secondo l'accusa - non sarebbero frutto di uno spontaneo moto popolare, ma di una rivoluzione "di velluto" (così la chiamano le autorità iraniane) carefully planned and time by the enemies of Iran in collaboration with Western politicians, journalists and various members of civil society, which allegedly plotting against their country, putting at risk the security of Iran.
In particular Bastani - returns the official news agency IRNA - read out in court with a statement of "confession" as follows: the preparation of the site www.jomhouriyat.com was a real " central and strategic "in which, with the encouragement of Mehdi Hashemi-Rafsanjani (pictured right ), is planning an attack against President Ahmadinejad and the major institutions of the Islamic Republic (The Guardian Council the Basij militia, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard , the police). Even more important: the wording in misleadingly created doubts over the election results, to that end to polls and statistics. All this Masoud Bastani says he has worked in collaboration with Mr Hamzeh Karami, who was also on trial and, like him, "self-confessed".
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
10 political prisoners in Iran: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub e Bahaman Ahamadi Amoee
8) Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
husband and wife, both
journalists arrested her and issued June 14, 2009 August 24, 2009
he was arrested on 4 or 5 July 2009
Mahsa Amrabadi works for the ' Etemad-Melli and , the media of National Trust Party. The President of the NTP is Mehdi Karoubi, a reformist candidates in the elections of June 12. The wording of ' Etemad-Melli and has been particularly affected by the arrests of recent weeks: among others ended up in jail the editor of the newspaper, Mohammad Ghouchani . Mahsa
Amrabadi is six months pregnant , despite this she was arrested last June 14. It seems that the intelligence agents who have come forward to his house looking at the reality husband Masoud Bastani and, finding none, have taken her. The first contact with the family could have only two weeks later, on June 30, when she was allowed to call their loved ones. But it was not allowed to tell them of where he was.
On July 4, Masoud Bastani tried to request information on behalf of his wife wanted to visit it or at least know where he was held. Rather, it was also arrested. Mahsa
Amrabadi was initially imprisoned in the notorious arms 209 of Evin prison (unofficial section run by the Iranian secret services who use it to political prisoners, often held incommunicado and tortured), then was transferred to the prison wing of the public.
Masoud Bastani, after several weeks of silence, he could contact his mother to whom he reported to be in isolation, but to be in good condition.
On 25 July, for the first time since the day of the arrest of Mahsa, was allowed the couple to meet.
Mahsa's mother said he will submit a complaint for violation of civil rights of his daughter and son. He spoke with the Prosecutor General of Tehran, Saeed Mortazavi , who told her that the investigation could take six months. Interrogations are still in progress, and before their end of course nothing will be said by the authorities to family members.
Bastani, formerly editor of the weekly Neday'e Eslahat ( The Voice of Reform) and the site Rozoonline.com the summer of 2007 had already been arrested and released in 2006 was sentenced six months in jail and sixty lashes, in 2005 he was arrested for writing about the hunger strike of dissident journalist Akbar Ganij . Recently it has been political editor of the site www.jomhouriyat.com , now suppressed by the authorities, and controlled by Mehdi Hashemi-Rafsanjani, son of former President Rafsanjani.
was a group on facebook called Free Masoud Bastani & Mahsa Amrabadi .
Update August 24
Mahsa Amrabadi was released today, on payment of deposit ($ 200,000). It gives the news site Mowjcamp.org .
remains in prison, the husband of Amrabadi, Masoud Bastani, which is known to be held in the special arm (the 209) of Evin prison.
Update August 26
For Masoud Bastani is the time of public trial, with annessa "confessione" televisiva ( foto a sinistra ): l'ennesimo scempio di verità e di giustizia di cui le autorità della Repubblica Islamica si sono macchiate. Bastani è stato uno dei principali interpreti della quarta puntata del "processo-farsa", andata in scena a Tehran il 25 agosto. La sua performance si aggiunge alle varie altre di prigionieri costretti con pressioni, minacce e torture a contribuire al teorema confezionato dal grande architetto del processo, il procuratore generale di Tehran Saeed Mortazavi: le proteste contro i risultati elettorali del 12 giugno - secondo l'accusa - non sarebbero frutto di uno spontaneo moto popolare, ma di una rivoluzione "di velluto" (così la chiamano le autorità iraniane) carefully planned and time by the enemies of Iran in collaboration with Western politicians, journalists and various members of civil society, which allegedly plotting against their country, putting at risk the security of Iran.
In particular Bastani - returns the official news agency IRNA - read out in court with a statement of "confession" as follows: the preparation of the site www.jomhouriyat.com was a real " central and strategic "in which, with the encouragement of Mehdi Hashemi-Rafsanjani (pictured right ), is planning an attack against President Ahmadinejad and the major institutions of the Islamic Republic (The Guardian Council the Basij militia, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard , the police). Even more important: the wording in misleadingly created doubts over the election results, to that end to polls and statistics. All this Masoud Bastani says he has worked in collaboration with Mr Hamzeh Karami, who was also on trial and, like him, "self-confessed".
13 political prisoners in Iran: Mohammad Maleki
12 political prisoners in Iran: Ahmad Zeydabadi
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
10 political prisoners in Iran: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Political prisoners in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub e Bahaman Ahamadi Amoee
Friday, September 4, 2009
Toddler Bumped Head Vomit
Take back everything, even what we never had!
"Beauty, when it is not a promise of happiness, must be destroyed"
Guy Debord
From that fucking movie was "We just have to cry "(direct, we fa per dire, da Troisi e Benigni nel 1984) c'è da recuperare un concetto che stimo al punto di essermene servito in qualcuno di questi post: la mostruosità del passato rispetto al presente. Ovviamente, un concetto non valido per ogni presente che sia guerra, dittatura, recrudescenza religiosa, post-catastrofe naturale, cose di questo tipo, ma che, per il resto, dovrebbe non fare una piega, se si considera il perfezionamento naturale di due componenti importantissime della nostra vita, quali la libertà da schemi culturali e la comodità.
Grazie alla prima, e nonostante la resistenza tenacissima di chi la teme, oggi ci si sente meno reietti se non si mette su famiglia, se si è omosessuali, se si convive con chi non si ha né rapporto amoroso né legami di sangue, se si vive senza coltivare relazioni, se si fa un lavoro singolare, se si amano cose singolari, se si ama in un modo singolare, se si svelano proprie fragilità interiori, persino da maschietti. La seconda invece, per nulla osteggiata, ci ha soprattutto consentito di snellire tante operazioni propizie al lavoro o alla vita quotidiana che non producono né piacere né pensiero, il che non è poco.
Questo, anche se nel modo più becero, i due comici lo avevano detto. Avevano anzi scelto di rappresentare il mostruoso di un'epoca magnificatissima come il proto-rinascimento italiano, con in primo piano la sua archetipicità civile, la sua violenza. E si erano spinti a smitizzare di quell'epoca even the intellect, genius, Leonardo with that speck, a little 'slow compared to the two unfortunates of our time.
pity only that this was pure caciaroneria, a pat on the shoulder. Why then, in the eighties, when those liberties were beginning to soar from vague ideology, and the convenience to peep, he should first take note of the company's so-called culture, from producer to consumer, and not to slavishly indulge as some did, the great wave of reaction to commitment, but to finally get rid of the attitude and self specialitaria that separates it from life today, after some thought "unscrupulous" (Stirner, Nietzsche, Paul Lafargue) gave birth to after-effects and consequences (situations, anti-psychiatry, black art, cyber etc.).
Intending to create so-called culture, past and present product and thought are not tied to profit, it must be said that this has assisted us well for generations, helping to raise the quality of our being from a life in which the lack of freedom attacked the desire and the lack of comfort time. With the penalty, however, that the same thought summary of common life, soggetticida by definition, affects the statute. Do not forget that the nineteenth-century middle-class symphony is sipped lasted from mid afternoon into the night, that Freud, to legitimize sperimentalissima his discipline, stuffed with Greek mythology in his writings, nor that many young people of the sixties and seventies are all forced to read Marx, Lenin, everything, everything Gramsci.
But today, just when we feel on a consciousness of real people, who are we to make of a so-called culture, mainly, there aliens? That, to use it, we have to behave like someone lighting a candle in church? Should we even blame Debord (both of which we use) for writing "The society of the spectacle," he produced a performance of "pedantic parisienne", and of course we get angry with those who now sells at that blackmail, who raises or preaches 'power of that candle. Riteniamolo spoiler of our time together on television, events, to the disciplines of the potential, the neo-racism, neo-provincialism, homophobia ... Guastatrice Why is his laziness, sloth being the inability to manage an independent ethics sectarian thinking intellectualism. And 'yet another variation of the multifaceted needs of belonging, and with the aggravating circumstance that give thought to protect public monopoly intellectualism means a state of feeling separated from the daily specialties.
The damage mainly affects artistic production of which would enjoy more power to "dwell poetically the world," the cinema, music and literature - Visual art (definitely), poetry (with some exceptions) and theater (despite everything) can have on constitutionally much smaller.
Guy Debord
From that fucking movie was "We just have to cry "(direct, we fa per dire, da Troisi e Benigni nel 1984) c'è da recuperare un concetto che stimo al punto di essermene servito in qualcuno di questi post: la mostruosità del passato rispetto al presente. Ovviamente, un concetto non valido per ogni presente che sia guerra, dittatura, recrudescenza religiosa, post-catastrofe naturale, cose di questo tipo, ma che, per il resto, dovrebbe non fare una piega, se si considera il perfezionamento naturale di due componenti importantissime della nostra vita, quali la libertà da schemi culturali e la comodità.
Grazie alla prima, e nonostante la resistenza tenacissima di chi la teme, oggi ci si sente meno reietti se non si mette su famiglia, se si è omosessuali, se si convive con chi non si ha né rapporto amoroso né legami di sangue, se si vive senza coltivare relazioni, se si fa un lavoro singolare, se si amano cose singolari, se si ama in un modo singolare, se si svelano proprie fragilità interiori, persino da maschietti. La seconda invece, per nulla osteggiata, ci ha soprattutto consentito di snellire tante operazioni propizie al lavoro o alla vita quotidiana che non producono né piacere né pensiero, il che non è poco.
Questo, anche se nel modo più becero, i due comici lo avevano detto. Avevano anzi scelto di rappresentare il mostruoso di un'epoca magnificatissima come il proto-rinascimento italiano, con in primo piano la sua archetipicità civile, la sua violenza. E si erano spinti a smitizzare di quell'epoca even the intellect, genius, Leonardo with that speck, a little 'slow compared to the two unfortunates of our time.
pity only that this was pure caciaroneria, a pat on the shoulder. Why then, in the eighties, when those liberties were beginning to soar from vague ideology, and the convenience to peep, he should first take note of the company's so-called culture, from producer to consumer, and not to slavishly indulge as some did, the great wave of reaction to commitment, but to finally get rid of the attitude and self specialitaria that separates it from life today, after some thought "unscrupulous" (Stirner, Nietzsche, Paul Lafargue) gave birth to after-effects and consequences (situations, anti-psychiatry, black art, cyber etc.).
Intending to create so-called culture, past and present product and thought are not tied to profit, it must be said that this has assisted us well for generations, helping to raise the quality of our being from a life in which the lack of freedom attacked the desire and the lack of comfort time. With the penalty, however, that the same thought summary of common life, soggetticida by definition, affects the statute. Do not forget that the nineteenth-century middle-class symphony is sipped lasted from mid afternoon into the night, that Freud, to legitimize sperimentalissima his discipline, stuffed with Greek mythology in his writings, nor that many young people of the sixties and seventies are all forced to read Marx, Lenin, everything, everything Gramsci.
But today, just when we feel on a consciousness of real people, who are we to make of a so-called culture, mainly, there aliens? That, to use it, we have to behave like someone lighting a candle in church? Should we even blame Debord (both of which we use) for writing "The society of the spectacle," he produced a performance of "pedantic parisienne", and of course we get angry with those who now sells at that blackmail, who raises or preaches 'power of that candle. Riteniamolo spoiler of our time together on television, events, to the disciplines of the potential, the neo-racism, neo-provincialism, homophobia ... Guastatrice Why is his laziness, sloth being the inability to manage an independent ethics sectarian thinking intellectualism. And 'yet another variation of the multifaceted needs of belonging, and with the aggravating circumstance that give thought to protect public monopoly intellectualism means a state of feeling separated from the daily specialties.
The damage mainly affects artistic production of which would enjoy more power to "dwell poetically the world," the cinema, music and literature - Visual art (definitely), poetry (with some exceptions) and theater (despite everything) can have on constitutionally much smaller.
cinema, the medium heat for Excellence (McLuhan) that contains images, words, story, characters, thought implied or expressed, is of course on top of this list. But precisely because this is the place where the pure-durismo intellectual, obviously in the minority, most s'incarognisce. And not to distinguish a film (author's) vision is that of psychological or social or political one (gender or otherwise) that sacrifices depth to the show every storyteller, but to defend the statute artistic film itself and disciplinary sense, forgetting completely that the true richness of the film is highly dependent on its being the art of "what", and perhaps a little 'less from being one of the "how".
Now, the filmmaker who works in a close relationship between what it means and the film language, and for this sovraesponga sometimes it seems to me not only a healthy art law, but also a practice that adheres to its desired functional purpose. How can you not appreciate that Hitchcock has made "Rear Window" by ensuring that the viewer could see exactly how the main character? Or that Polanski, in "Knife in the Water", has turned its claustrophobic sequences of the trio by boat from the boat itself? Of Moreover, the spartanissimo Bresson turned often many times the same scene, if not the same sequence, to obtain the intended meaning - and seems to have been born as a doubling of the suicide crash of Mouchette, not narrated by Bernanos. But the touch of Bresson films!
Sterilissimo, however, the attitude of the filmmaker (now, thankfully, endangered) whose purpose is the film itself, and even that of impoverishing Cinephile Orthodox, the fear of the Cahiers, which, while not admitting anything, underestimate the value of the dialectic between art and life, to revive the art to contemplate. Typical, in fact, is his defense of the film in the original language with subtitles, and so the usual alibi (invoked with a bit of a guilty conscience) to hear the voices and intonations of the original actors. But such voices and intonations, such as! (Always assuming that the film is in direct drive) Here is the verse to pornography: you want to share a whole vitally flawed (the film dubbed in the language in which the viewer thinks and feels, with incidental changes of tone and / or text) for a 'whole "not livable" parts connaturatamente perfect (recitations from the original content and little or no comprehensible images from which we must continually divert to read subtitles).
That is, the paradox is served: the pictures that we speak can not be lived, but only seen, because it is art and art that is not contemplated. The function of living that hot medium (containing images, words and bla bla bla) is clearly delegated to the movies to escape and on TV. And that, to retire Brecht, Gramsci, even Pasolini, who use the art of pleasure have certainly never spoken, because the time was not right, exactly, but the function of art in society other than!
It is no coincidence, moreover, that Pasolini was just one of the particularly deployed for dubbing, in addition to Bunuel, Fellini, Bergman, Truffaut, Ferreri ..., or that are found among the very contrary Godard, Straub, Garrel , Wenders ... It is to think about! Let
hours of music, the most psychic of the arts, the most importunate of the arts (Kant), art connaturatamente romantic (Schumann).
Well, from the artistic soul of independent music - as is the feeling intellect - has for centuries been the one against which the artistic ideals of the struggle to get the better musician, and most times succeeding: by Bach the sublimity of a consolidation of the forms to Cage that liquidity, a little 'naively, as the property passed. This, to the point that one wonders what the music most commonly considered the "copyright" actually tell us.
Sure, the music altrtettanto common saying "the people" has major limitations: essentially a musicality clear but elementary, due to the need, in most cases, to support a text of "bad conscience" or alleged to be poetic. While listening to the emotional, especially if dependent on a real demand for music and not by associations with other things, require a rich musical, able to pass on their wealth of emotions. The fact is that classical music still, by definition, the richest, has never ceased to come to terms with the status of classical severe altomimetica and intimidation, which has also relied on the expression of emotions rise autenticissime ( from Beethoven to the Romantics themselves), until, during the twentieth century, pure self-reference, and with the consent dell'elitarissimo consumer, even in the most befitting that status, since its application is more than music, that psychic structure, but of culture, ie mental superstructure.
I remember, on this, a rough statement of Paul Castaldi to the TV broadcast of Berio "There is music and music." He said that "... the difference between music without adjectives - meaning of course that cultured - and other music is that the former is created in the style of the composer, the other according to public taste." Coarse for the coarseness of the exchange between the amplitude of the humanistic concept of taste and its tiny slice of operation in Orthodoxy specification. That is, what is the taste in works such as "4.33" Cage or the same collage castaldiani? And what would a taste-of-the public in which to recognize Celentano to Coltrane? We took that to volghetto Aristophanes to Socrates a sophist!
But now comes the fun part: the same Berio was - obviously - for all concerned that the stakes of its transmission had never uttered the word jazz, as if it did not exist. And rightly so, from his point of view, because it is jazz that his language was subject to entrapment defense: the real loose cannon of music, to which belong all the romance and the author's ideals, the centrality of music and a ' exclusive freedom-to-be-free, infinitely more than that of plaster required and musician search.
Perhaps no music can tell us about how jazz, at least what has been done by Lester Young on, removed the Chet Baker, Keith Jarrett, the Italians "good" etc.. Why no music is so full mental, so authentic interpreter of the soul that the music was at its center. The last positions (imagine how the lower vertices of an inverted Y) squares in the usual course Cage - with its derivatives - and the songs of Sanremo, half floating (where the Y splits) rock, thief of musical emotions and no of any kind, while a great second place, alas, we can only grant-page classic, and came past, but we reserve the right to distinguish between those that speak to us than the more numerous, they are just composure, compassatezza, rhetoric ... At least with the art of psychic, try not to make the servants!
For various reasons, however, the right not to magnify the products collectively known as the culture is quite common in literature. Not only the unassuming reader says that Burroughs is unreadable (because it makes him lose the thread), but the reader too strong, experienced and wise, that if anything he deems unnecessary fireworks. And this same player is allowed even to love laughing at Gadda Manganelli, to legitimize the paranoia di Handke e non quelle di Bernhard, di sentire lo sperimentalismo di Butor e chiedersi perché mai Robbe-Grillet abbia fatto lo scrittore. Del resto, già Nabokov dichiarava di amare tanto l'"Ulisse" e di disistimare del tutto il "Finnegan's Wake".
In letteratura, infatti, il problema si presenta ribaltato rispetto sia al cinema che alla musica. Prima di tutto, nel senso che chi legge rivendica sempre, a sua misura, un diritto al riscontro di quell'atto comunque impegnativo. Ma anche in un altro senso: che gli scrittori, da un bel po' di tempo a questa parte, tendono a curare sempre meno la tridimensionalità dei personaggi e, semmai, sempre più una qualsiasi strategia di persuasione: più di tutto, trattare di soggetti choral and / or "unprecedented events", whether true or not. And here, there is little to do, even a so-called high literature and recognized as such becomes pure entertainment, a pastime that does not detract. Why pastrugnare with the great facts of evil, those committing crimes that is an exception, it is never the same thing with a story that, for lack of unheard of, could be yours. It is once again choose to be spectators or players, except that here the spectator is not a fear of culture, but a fear of his life to which the company offers the side of literature.
On the other hand, do not write more, Finnegans Wake (s). No, in the literature self monument does not roll over, even in France. And that in itself is already a good sign of progress. But was it really necessary that dirty that water was thrown away with in the usual kid? Namely, that literature really sacrificed a taste of the public, this time actually, its evil and its good together? The fact is that things seem to be gone just like that, probably for a summary, walking fear that the press must adapt to an age so generous with distractions.
So, faced with a life "improved" because average shed some monstrosity, discomfort and poor sources of fact, the so-called culture would behave on average male, non migliorando o addirittura peggiorando, per un verso o per un altro: chi la fa sarcofago e chi la fa escort, con la conseguenza media di farla perdere di vista come risorsa per la nostra felicità.
Perciò, da aspiranti felici, riprendiamocela! Ma migliorandola noi, se non sa farlo da sé, a partire da cosa usarne e come. E facendoci un baffo di tutta quella nata da sé stessa, che giustificatamente sentiamo distante da noi, se non penitenziale. Ricordando, invece, che chi produce cultura, come pensiero o come arte, non può avere altro movente onesto che rendere pubbliche le sue convinzioni, il che, in una società progredita, dovrebbe significare renderle utili, "per tutti e per nessuno", come diceva Nietzsche.
It 's the point at which the speech can be uncertain, because the utility of the material non-profit occurs only when at least one of its sections speaks to our lives. And we know not to be done in series. To me, for example, are useful Nietzsche, Freud, Marcuse, Lefebvre, Debord, Vaneigem and no philosopher tout court, Bunuel and Orson Welles, Coltrane and Stockhausen, Schnitzler and Queneau - and all with providential cuts my convenience. But what do I know what it is useful to those who are different from me?
One thing I can say that this use - or for leisure use - is the opposite of worship, and therefore the antidote to the glorification of the existential subject used, which does not is still a god, do not exist. Beethoven and Leopardi, for example, are any "big" for doing the worldly wisdom of the chronically depressed, and only for so-called culture of prudishness vulgar than that because we are still glowing smuggled to other more abstract and arbitrary, conscience-type of -sunset-of-life tunes like fries. While "big" it never is the artist who dares to simply remove or absence of feeling. His motive is hermaphrodite and his creations unusable out of the specialty.
And we, let us stop to admire something just because it is "another world"!
said, and not wanting to dwell well on a blog, call (with little hope) the fear of the culture to reflect on their positions and (more optimistically) intimidated by the culture to see that mustache that may be of the entire culture that seems far away and get on the trail of film, music, readings that they speak. Because this is to try to live well, and the crap we have seen that they're not enough. It is to become all subjects DOC, all masters not others, of course.
Now, the filmmaker who works in a close relationship between what it means and the film language, and for this sovraesponga sometimes it seems to me not only a healthy art law, but also a practice that adheres to its desired functional purpose. How can you not appreciate that Hitchcock has made "Rear Window" by ensuring that the viewer could see exactly how the main character? Or that Polanski, in "Knife in the Water", has turned its claustrophobic sequences of the trio by boat from the boat itself? Of Moreover, the spartanissimo Bresson turned often many times the same scene, if not the same sequence, to obtain the intended meaning - and seems to have been born as a doubling of the suicide crash of Mouchette, not narrated by Bernanos. But the touch of Bresson films!
Sterilissimo, however, the attitude of the filmmaker (now, thankfully, endangered) whose purpose is the film itself, and even that of impoverishing Cinephile Orthodox, the fear of the Cahiers, which, while not admitting anything, underestimate the value of the dialectic between art and life, to revive the art to contemplate. Typical, in fact, is his defense of the film in the original language with subtitles, and so the usual alibi (invoked with a bit of a guilty conscience) to hear the voices and intonations of the original actors. But such voices and intonations, such as! (Always assuming that the film is in direct drive) Here is the verse to pornography: you want to share a whole vitally flawed (the film dubbed in the language in which the viewer thinks and feels, with incidental changes of tone and / or text) for a 'whole "not livable" parts connaturatamente perfect (recitations from the original content and little or no comprehensible images from which we must continually divert to read subtitles).
That is, the paradox is served: the pictures that we speak can not be lived, but only seen, because it is art and art that is not contemplated. The function of living that hot medium (containing images, words and bla bla bla) is clearly delegated to the movies to escape and on TV. And that, to retire Brecht, Gramsci, even Pasolini, who use the art of pleasure have certainly never spoken, because the time was not right, exactly, but the function of art in society other than!
It is no coincidence, moreover, that Pasolini was just one of the particularly deployed for dubbing, in addition to Bunuel, Fellini, Bergman, Truffaut, Ferreri ..., or that are found among the very contrary Godard, Straub, Garrel , Wenders ... It is to think about! Let
hours of music, the most psychic of the arts, the most importunate of the arts (Kant), art connaturatamente romantic (Schumann).
Well, from the artistic soul of independent music - as is the feeling intellect - has for centuries been the one against which the artistic ideals of the struggle to get the better musician, and most times succeeding: by Bach the sublimity of a consolidation of the forms to Cage that liquidity, a little 'naively, as the property passed. This, to the point that one wonders what the music most commonly considered the "copyright" actually tell us.
Sure, the music altrtettanto common saying "the people" has major limitations: essentially a musicality clear but elementary, due to the need, in most cases, to support a text of "bad conscience" or alleged to be poetic. While listening to the emotional, especially if dependent on a real demand for music and not by associations with other things, require a rich musical, able to pass on their wealth of emotions. The fact is that classical music still, by definition, the richest, has never ceased to come to terms with the status of classical severe altomimetica and intimidation, which has also relied on the expression of emotions rise autenticissime ( from Beethoven to the Romantics themselves), until, during the twentieth century, pure self-reference, and with the consent dell'elitarissimo consumer, even in the most befitting that status, since its application is more than music, that psychic structure, but of culture, ie mental superstructure.
I remember, on this, a rough statement of Paul Castaldi to the TV broadcast of Berio "There is music and music." He said that "... the difference between music without adjectives - meaning of course that cultured - and other music is that the former is created in the style of the composer, the other according to public taste." Coarse for the coarseness of the exchange between the amplitude of the humanistic concept of taste and its tiny slice of operation in Orthodoxy specification. That is, what is the taste in works such as "4.33" Cage or the same collage castaldiani? And what would a taste-of-the public in which to recognize Celentano to Coltrane? We took that to volghetto Aristophanes to Socrates a sophist!
But now comes the fun part: the same Berio was - obviously - for all concerned that the stakes of its transmission had never uttered the word jazz, as if it did not exist. And rightly so, from his point of view, because it is jazz that his language was subject to entrapment defense: the real loose cannon of music, to which belong all the romance and the author's ideals, the centrality of music and a ' exclusive freedom-to-be-free, infinitely more than that of plaster required and musician search.
Perhaps no music can tell us about how jazz, at least what has been done by Lester Young on, removed the Chet Baker, Keith Jarrett, the Italians "good" etc.. Why no music is so full mental, so authentic interpreter of the soul that the music was at its center. The last positions (imagine how the lower vertices of an inverted Y) squares in the usual course Cage - with its derivatives - and the songs of Sanremo, half floating (where the Y splits) rock, thief of musical emotions and no of any kind, while a great second place, alas, we can only grant-page classic, and came past, but we reserve the right to distinguish between those that speak to us than the more numerous, they are just composure, compassatezza, rhetoric ... At least with the art of psychic, try not to make the servants!
For various reasons, however, the right not to magnify the products collectively known as the culture is quite common in literature. Not only the unassuming reader says that Burroughs is unreadable (because it makes him lose the thread), but the reader too strong, experienced and wise, that if anything he deems unnecessary fireworks. And this same player is allowed even to love laughing at Gadda Manganelli, to legitimize the paranoia di Handke e non quelle di Bernhard, di sentire lo sperimentalismo di Butor e chiedersi perché mai Robbe-Grillet abbia fatto lo scrittore. Del resto, già Nabokov dichiarava di amare tanto l'"Ulisse" e di disistimare del tutto il "Finnegan's Wake".
In letteratura, infatti, il problema si presenta ribaltato rispetto sia al cinema che alla musica. Prima di tutto, nel senso che chi legge rivendica sempre, a sua misura, un diritto al riscontro di quell'atto comunque impegnativo. Ma anche in un altro senso: che gli scrittori, da un bel po' di tempo a questa parte, tendono a curare sempre meno la tridimensionalità dei personaggi e, semmai, sempre più una qualsiasi strategia di persuasione: più di tutto, trattare di soggetti choral and / or "unprecedented events", whether true or not. And here, there is little to do, even a so-called high literature and recognized as such becomes pure entertainment, a pastime that does not detract. Why pastrugnare with the great facts of evil, those committing crimes that is an exception, it is never the same thing with a story that, for lack of unheard of, could be yours. It is once again choose to be spectators or players, except that here the spectator is not a fear of culture, but a fear of his life to which the company offers the side of literature.
On the other hand, do not write more, Finnegans Wake (s). No, in the literature self monument does not roll over, even in France. And that in itself is already a good sign of progress. But was it really necessary that dirty that water was thrown away with in the usual kid? Namely, that literature really sacrificed a taste of the public, this time actually, its evil and its good together? The fact is that things seem to be gone just like that, probably for a summary, walking fear that the press must adapt to an age so generous with distractions.
So, faced with a life "improved" because average shed some monstrosity, discomfort and poor sources of fact, the so-called culture would behave on average male, non migliorando o addirittura peggiorando, per un verso o per un altro: chi la fa sarcofago e chi la fa escort, con la conseguenza media di farla perdere di vista come risorsa per la nostra felicità.
Perciò, da aspiranti felici, riprendiamocela! Ma migliorandola noi, se non sa farlo da sé, a partire da cosa usarne e come. E facendoci un baffo di tutta quella nata da sé stessa, che giustificatamente sentiamo distante da noi, se non penitenziale. Ricordando, invece, che chi produce cultura, come pensiero o come arte, non può avere altro movente onesto che rendere pubbliche le sue convinzioni, il che, in una società progredita, dovrebbe significare renderle utili, "per tutti e per nessuno", come diceva Nietzsche.
It 's the point at which the speech can be uncertain, because the utility of the material non-profit occurs only when at least one of its sections speaks to our lives. And we know not to be done in series. To me, for example, are useful Nietzsche, Freud, Marcuse, Lefebvre, Debord, Vaneigem and no philosopher tout court, Bunuel and Orson Welles, Coltrane and Stockhausen, Schnitzler and Queneau - and all with providential cuts my convenience. But what do I know what it is useful to those who are different from me?
One thing I can say that this use - or for leisure use - is the opposite of worship, and therefore the antidote to the glorification of the existential subject used, which does not is still a god, do not exist. Beethoven and Leopardi, for example, are any "big" for doing the worldly wisdom of the chronically depressed, and only for so-called culture of prudishness vulgar than that because we are still glowing smuggled to other more abstract and arbitrary, conscience-type of -sunset-of-life tunes like fries. While "big" it never is the artist who dares to simply remove or absence of feeling. His motive is hermaphrodite and his creations unusable out of the specialty.
And we, let us stop to admire something just because it is "another world"!
said, and not wanting to dwell well on a blog, call (with little hope) the fear of the culture to reflect on their positions and (more optimistically) intimidated by the culture to see that mustache that may be of the entire culture that seems far away and get on the trail of film, music, readings that they speak. Because this is to try to live well, and the crap we have seen that they're not enough. It is to become all subjects DOC, all masters not others, of course.
(Digital processing of Cristiano Mattia Ricci)
Thursday, September 3, 2009
Hannah Montana Pink Skirt
350 thousand euro deposit required for the issue of Shiva Nazar Ahari
Shiva Nazar Ahari, attivista iraniana per i diritti umani, è detenuta nel carcere di Evin da 82 giorni ed è ancora sotto interrogatorio.
Le autorità hanno informato sua madre che il prezzo della cauzione è di 500milioni di toman (oltre 350mila euro). La madre ha obiettato che non può disporre di una somma così ingente. "Allora la lasci stare in prigione", le è stato brutalmente risposto.
Shiva Nazar Ahari, attivista iraniana per i diritti umani, è detenuta nel carcere di Evin da 82 giorni ed è ancora sotto interrogatorio.
Le autorità hanno informato sua madre che il prezzo della cauzione è di 500milioni di toman (oltre 350mila euro). La madre ha obiettato che non può disporre di una somma così ingente. "Allora la lasci stare in prigione", le è stato brutalmente risposto.
Sunday, August 30, 2009
Descargar Caratula Jvc Kd-sc601
Political prisoners in Iran 7: Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
7) Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
arrestato l'8 luglio 2009
Avvocato impegnato nella difesa dei diritti umani, è stato tra i fondatori del Defenders for Human Rights Center (DHRC) , di cui è direttore Shirin Ebadi (premio Nobel per la pace nel 2003) e di cui è membro anche Abdolfattah Soltani .
Dal 1997 si è occupato di circa 400 casi di violazioni dei diritti umani: giornalisti accusati di aver scritto contro il regime, dissidenti ritenuti dalle autorità dei sovversivi, studiosi perseguitati perché avrebbero offeso l’Islam, membri della setta Bahai espulsi dall’università a causa del loro credo religioso. Nel 2000 ha assunto con coraggio la difesa di un esponente del Freedom Movement (fuorilegge) davanti alla Corte Rivoluzionaria . She has left behind a history of harassment and intimidation by the authorities of the regime because of its activities.
In November 2001, during a trial of political prisoners during the defensive harangue was expelled from the President of the Revolutionary Court and was thus prevented from carrying out its role for the rest of the hearing. Following these events he was tried by a Tehran court on charges of defamation and false testimony.
On 20 May 2002 was sentenced to five months in prison and ten years of expulsion from the profession.
On 20 January 2003 he was arrested and transferred to Evin prison while his colleague Abdolfattah Soltani. He was repeatedly prevented from leaving the country.
Dadkhah inter alia defended Esha Mohsen, a young American citizen with dual passports (Iranian-American), arrested in 2008 for a trivial offense Street and held in Evin prison, then released on payment of bail, but with the prohibition to leave Iran (where last May was found yet). It was also the defender of Sayaf Omid Reza Mir, Iranian blogger sentenced to 30 months imprisonment and died in prison.
Mohammad Ali Dadkhah was arrested on July 8 , at 16 (now in Tehran), in his office by unidentified agents. Together lawyer Dadkhah four people were arrested (later released) who were at that time to work with him in the same office: the daughter Maliha Dadkhah, Sara Sabaghian, Amir and Bahareh Dowaloo Raiisian. One of their colleagues said the arrest took place while the lawyer Dadkhah and his colleagues were discussing a circular of the arrangements was to limit the independence of advocacy. The firm was then closed and sealed by methods similar to those used in December 2008 for the closure of DHRC . The lawyer Dadkhah had assumed the defense of many prisoners arrested during the events of recent weeks.
It is understood that while the formal statement of reasons with which the lawyer is Dadkhah is still being held on charges of "illegal possession of firearms and drugs."
Update August 5, 2009
After nearly a month of detention, the lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah was transferred from the department's Special Evin prison to that given to ordinary prisoners. His arrest warrant has been extended at the request of the Prosecutor of the Revolutionary Court.
Update August 18, 2009
Amir Raiisian In recent days, Attorney of Dadkhah, was able to meet his client at Evin. He gave an interview to Harana News in which he said he had found Dadkhah in good condition and has stated that detainee in the arm 3, cell 8 of Evin. The accusations against him are attack on national security and possession of weapons and drugs. Raiisian also explained that a specious interpretation of Iranian law by the authorities means that, during the ongoing investigation, the accused is allowed to appoint a lawyer to assist him, but not these. Therefore the presence of a lawyer during questioning is not guaranteed.
Raiisian then recalled that in the coming days, the lawyer should advocate Dadkhah two cases of considerable importance, one for the conservative newspaper Kayhan, close to the regime, the other against the President of the Office of Cultural Heritage, accused of incompetence and negligence in carrying out his task.
"We expect - Raiisian concluded - that the community of Iranian lawyers have a special feeling for this case. Dadkhah is one of the most brilliant lawyers and experts in the country, about 120 lawyers in Iran have played with him as their stage. In recent years, moreover, Dadkhah has assumed the defense of four thousand cases without demanding fees.
Update August 19, 2009
much more disturbing news than that given by the Advocate Raiisian leaked yesterday from an anonymous source from the collection site mowjcamp.com (Green Wave of freedom). According to this news, the lawyer Dadkhah would be subjected to abuse and serious physical and psychological torture. In particular Dadkhah was brutally beaten and repeatedly made to roll along a scale of three floors would have also been made to believe that the daughter (already arrested on July 8 with him, but immediately released) has been arrested again. All this in order to make him confess that he and other members of the Center for Human Rights Defenders are traitors and conspirators in the service of foreign enemies of Iran.
Aggiornamento del 13 settembre 2009
L'avvocato Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, è stato rilasciato oggi dopo 68 giorni di carcere. E' stata pagata per lui una cauzione di 5 milardi di rials iraniani, pari a 500mila dollari statunitensi. L'entità della cauzione, stando alle notizie ufficiali era stata concordata mercoledì scorso in ribunale dai due legali di Dadkhah, Alizadeh Tabatabai e Abdolfattah Soltani (quest'ultimo a sua volta è stato da poco rilasciato su cauzione dopo oltre due mesi di detenzione).
Prigionieri politici in Iran 13: Mohammad Maleki
Prigionieri politici in Iran 12: Ahmad Zeydabadi
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Prisoners politicians in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
7) Mohammad Ali Dadkhah
arrestato l'8 luglio 2009
Avvocato impegnato nella difesa dei diritti umani, è stato tra i fondatori del Defenders for Human Rights Center (DHRC) , di cui è direttore Shirin Ebadi (premio Nobel per la pace nel 2003) e di cui è membro anche Abdolfattah Soltani .
Dal 1997 si è occupato di circa 400 casi di violazioni dei diritti umani: giornalisti accusati di aver scritto contro il regime, dissidenti ritenuti dalle autorità dei sovversivi, studiosi perseguitati perché avrebbero offeso l’Islam, membri della setta Bahai espulsi dall’università a causa del loro credo religioso. Nel 2000 ha assunto con coraggio la difesa di un esponente del Freedom Movement (fuorilegge) davanti alla Corte Rivoluzionaria . She has left behind a history of harassment and intimidation by the authorities of the regime because of its activities.
In November 2001, during a trial of political prisoners during the defensive harangue was expelled from the President of the Revolutionary Court and was thus prevented from carrying out its role for the rest of the hearing. Following these events he was tried by a Tehran court on charges of defamation and false testimony.
On 20 May 2002 was sentenced to five months in prison and ten years of expulsion from the profession.
On 20 January 2003 he was arrested and transferred to Evin prison while his colleague Abdolfattah Soltani. He was repeatedly prevented from leaving the country.
Dadkhah inter alia defended Esha Mohsen, a young American citizen with dual passports (Iranian-American), arrested in 2008 for a trivial offense Street and held in Evin prison, then released on payment of bail, but with the prohibition to leave Iran (where last May was found yet). It was also the defender of Sayaf Omid Reza Mir, Iranian blogger sentenced to 30 months imprisonment and died in prison.
Mohammad Ali Dadkhah was arrested on July 8 , at 16 (now in Tehran), in his office by unidentified agents. Together lawyer Dadkhah four people were arrested (later released) who were at that time to work with him in the same office: the daughter Maliha Dadkhah, Sara Sabaghian, Amir and Bahareh Dowaloo Raiisian. One of their colleagues said the arrest took place while the lawyer Dadkhah and his colleagues were discussing a circular of the arrangements was to limit the independence of advocacy. The firm was then closed and sealed by methods similar to those used in December 2008 for the closure of DHRC . The lawyer Dadkhah had assumed the defense of many prisoners arrested during the events of recent weeks.
It is understood that while the formal statement of reasons with which the lawyer is Dadkhah is still being held on charges of "illegal possession of firearms and drugs."
Update August 5, 2009
After nearly a month of detention, the lawyer Mohammad Ali Dadkhah was transferred from the department's Special Evin prison to that given to ordinary prisoners. His arrest warrant has been extended at the request of the Prosecutor of the Revolutionary Court.
Update August 18, 2009
Amir Raiisian In recent days, Attorney of Dadkhah, was able to meet his client at Evin. He gave an interview to Harana News in which he said he had found Dadkhah in good condition and has stated that detainee in the arm 3, cell 8 of Evin. The accusations against him are attack on national security and possession of weapons and drugs. Raiisian also explained that a specious interpretation of Iranian law by the authorities means that, during the ongoing investigation, the accused is allowed to appoint a lawyer to assist him, but not these. Therefore the presence of a lawyer during questioning is not guaranteed.
Raiisian then recalled that in the coming days, the lawyer should advocate Dadkhah two cases of considerable importance, one for the conservative newspaper Kayhan, close to the regime, the other against the President of the Office of Cultural Heritage, accused of incompetence and negligence in carrying out his task.
"We expect - Raiisian concluded - that the community of Iranian lawyers have a special feeling for this case. Dadkhah is one of the most brilliant lawyers and experts in the country, about 120 lawyers in Iran have played with him as their stage. In recent years, moreover, Dadkhah has assumed the defense of four thousand cases without demanding fees.
Update August 19, 2009
much more disturbing news than that given by the Advocate Raiisian leaked yesterday from an anonymous source from the collection site mowjcamp.com (Green Wave of freedom). According to this news, the lawyer Dadkhah would be subjected to abuse and serious physical and psychological torture. In particular Dadkhah was brutally beaten and repeatedly made to roll along a scale of three floors would have also been made to believe that the daughter (already arrested on July 8 with him, but immediately released) has been arrested again. All this in order to make him confess that he and other members of the Center for Human Rights Defenders are traitors and conspirators in the service of foreign enemies of Iran.
Aggiornamento del 13 settembre 2009
L'avvocato Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, è stato rilasciato oggi dopo 68 giorni di carcere. E' stata pagata per lui una cauzione di 5 milardi di rials iraniani, pari a 500mila dollari statunitensi. L'entità della cauzione, stando alle notizie ufficiali era stata concordata mercoledì scorso in ribunale dai due legali di Dadkhah, Alizadeh Tabatabai e Abdolfattah Soltani (quest'ultimo a sua volta è stato da poco rilasciato su cauzione dopo oltre due mesi di detenzione).
Prigionieri politici in Iran 13: Mohammad Maleki
Prigionieri politici in Iran 12: Ahmad Zeydabadi
11 political prisoners in Iran: Saeed Laylaz
Political prisoners in Iran 10: Isa Saharkhiz
Political prisoners in Iran 9: Kian Tajbakhsh
Political prisoners in Iran 8: Mahsa Amrabadi and Masoud Bastani
Political prisoners in Iran 6: Shiva Nazar Ahari
Political prisoners in Iran 5: Saeed Hajjarian
Political prisoners in Iran 4: Mitra Farahani
Prisoners politicians in Iran 3: Bijan Khajehpour
Political prisoners in Iran 2: Abdolfattah Soltani
Political prisoners in Iran 1: Jila Baniyaghoub and Bahaman Ahamad Amoe
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